Curtailed press freedom
Monday, April 30, 2007
PAKISTAN'S worsening degree of press freedom may not be recognised by the country's military regime, but it is certainly adding to the country's fast deteriorating profile as a place where there is a tolerance of criticism.
The past week has seen a clumsy attempt by General Pervez Musharraf to muzzle the privately owned Aaj TV through a notice threatening closure, sent by the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra), over the coverage of recent protests after the suspension of Pakistan's top judge.
This followed a police attack last month on the Islamabad offices of the privately-owned GEO TV channel, apparently to stop its live coverage of a public protest.
What is happening with the Pakistan media today cannot be seen in isolation from the country's wider environment.
The choice by Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, chief justice of the supreme court, to defy Musharraf and contest the still unclear charges of misconduct against him, has not only revitalised Pakistan's activity-starved politics but also given impetus to the freedom demanded by Pakistan's newspapers and newly-emerging TV channels. As the government positions itself for what seems yet another battle — this time versus the Pakistan press — its future is doomed to only bring it disrepute.
On Friday, the United States-based Human-Rights Watch (HRW) jumped into the fray when it publicly revealed a letter sent to Musharraf, urging him to reverse his regime's increasingly tough stance against the press.
According to HRW, Pakistan's profile as a tolerant country towards the media has already slipped. Citing figures from Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF), a France-based watchdog which tracks media freedom, the HRW reported that Pakistan's position has slipped from 119th in 2002 to 157th in December last year, on RSF's rankings of 168 countries worldwide.
There are many who would clearly be left in a state of awe, given Musharraf's oft-repeated claim of being more tolerant towards dissent than even the country's democratic rulers of yesteryears. But what is happening in Pakistan today is exactly in line with the realities of a military-run country.
Musharraf shows no signs of giving up power easily. As chief of the military staff and president of Pakistan, he has placed himself in what he must see as a politically unassailable spot. But as he positions himself for what appears to be the long haul, the General is probably oblivious to the storm of criticism emerging against his regime.
The way in which Pakistan's otherwise diverse political parties have joined hands in protesting against Chaudhry's suspension must speak volumes about the emerging political outlook. Rather than accept Musharraf as the all-encompassing military and civilian ruler of Pakistan, at least some of his political foes are eager to confront him.
The government's battle with the media is set to go through periods of intensification followed by what could be short- lived eras of relative calm.
This is likely to be the emerging trend at a time when the government's battle against Chaudhry has brought it on a potential collision course with some of Pakistan's main political players.
The media, by the very nature of its functioning, will remain a central player, driven to actively report the turn of events.
Media players who choose to succumb to official pressure will probably end up pronouncing their own professional death, as others with a much more aggressive stand will seize the opportunity.
For Musharraf's regime, the safest course to the future lies in finding a conciliatory course with protesting politicians and the press. But this is a course which it is unlikely to embrace.
Given the history of Pakistan's military regimes, in the past they have always been eager to keep the country within a controlled environment. But the pace at which Pakistan's media has grown makes it literally impossible to put it under curbs of the kind which appeal to the country's rulers.
Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.Gulf News
The past week has seen a clumsy attempt by General Pervez Musharraf to muzzle the privately owned Aaj TV through a notice threatening closure, sent by the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra), over the coverage of recent protests after the suspension of Pakistan's top judge.
This followed a police attack last month on the Islamabad offices of the privately-owned GEO TV channel, apparently to stop its live coverage of a public protest.
What is happening with the Pakistan media today cannot be seen in isolation from the country's wider environment.
The choice by Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, chief justice of the supreme court, to defy Musharraf and contest the still unclear charges of misconduct against him, has not only revitalised Pakistan's activity-starved politics but also given impetus to the freedom demanded by Pakistan's newspapers and newly-emerging TV channels. As the government positions itself for what seems yet another battle — this time versus the Pakistan press — its future is doomed to only bring it disrepute.
On Friday, the United States-based Human-Rights Watch (HRW) jumped into the fray when it publicly revealed a letter sent to Musharraf, urging him to reverse his regime's increasingly tough stance against the press.
According to HRW, Pakistan's profile as a tolerant country towards the media has already slipped. Citing figures from Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF), a France-based watchdog which tracks media freedom, the HRW reported that Pakistan's position has slipped from 119th in 2002 to 157th in December last year, on RSF's rankings of 168 countries worldwide.
There are many who would clearly be left in a state of awe, given Musharraf's oft-repeated claim of being more tolerant towards dissent than even the country's democratic rulers of yesteryears. But what is happening in Pakistan today is exactly in line with the realities of a military-run country.
Musharraf shows no signs of giving up power easily. As chief of the military staff and president of Pakistan, he has placed himself in what he must see as a politically unassailable spot. But as he positions himself for what appears to be the long haul, the General is probably oblivious to the storm of criticism emerging against his regime.
The way in which Pakistan's otherwise diverse political parties have joined hands in protesting against Chaudhry's suspension must speak volumes about the emerging political outlook. Rather than accept Musharraf as the all-encompassing military and civilian ruler of Pakistan, at least some of his political foes are eager to confront him.
The government's battle with the media is set to go through periods of intensification followed by what could be short- lived eras of relative calm.
This is likely to be the emerging trend at a time when the government's battle against Chaudhry has brought it on a potential collision course with some of Pakistan's main political players.
The media, by the very nature of its functioning, will remain a central player, driven to actively report the turn of events.
Media players who choose to succumb to official pressure will probably end up pronouncing their own professional death, as others with a much more aggressive stand will seize the opportunity.
For Musharraf's regime, the safest course to the future lies in finding a conciliatory course with protesting politicians and the press. But this is a course which it is unlikely to embrace.
Given the history of Pakistan's military regimes, in the past they have always been eager to keep the country within a controlled environment. But the pace at which Pakistan's media has grown makes it literally impossible to put it under curbs of the kind which appeal to the country's rulers.
Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.Gulf News
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